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Atharva Gunde

Jawaharlal Nehru: Shaping India's Sovereignty, Political Ideals, and Global Presence in the 20th Century

Atharva Gunde


Jawaharlal Nehru, a name resonant with India’s journey to independence and the rudimentary steps of its foreign policy, As the first Prime Minister of independent India, his vision and policies did not just shape the nation but also defined its identity on the global stage. From his early days steeped in privilege to becoming a pivotal figure in the Indian National Congress, Nehru's life is filled with indelible moments that influenced millions. The era of Nehru was marked by significant events that transformed India's political landscape forever.


Nehru Speech

Nehru emerged from the crucible of India’s freedom struggle, shaped by Gandhi’s mentorship, the trials of British colonial rule, and the enduring solidarity of his fellow freedom fighters. His vision was further fueled by the unwavering trust and affection of countless Indians who looked to him as a leader of their aspirations. At his core, Nehru held a bold yet clear-eyed ambition: to condense centuries of societal evolution into mere decades. He aimed to transform a feudal society into a modern one, industrialize a predominantly agrarian nation, and weave together a fragmented tapestry of princely states into a unified, forward-looking nation-state.


Ascent to the position of India's first Prime Minister was a combination of his political acumen, leadership during the independence struggle, and the trust placed in him by key figures. Nehru, born into a prominent family with deep ties to India's intellectual and political circles, was educated at prestigious institutions in India and abroad. His early exposure to European political thought, particularly socialism, deeply influenced his vision for India's future. Nehru joined the Indian National Congress in the 1920s and quickly became one of its most prominent leaders. His ideological alignment with Gandhi, despite differing on several approaches, solidified his position as a central figure in the fight for independence.


In 1929, Pt. Nehru was elected President of the Lahore Session of the Indian National Congress, where he helped set the goal of complete independence for India. During the period from 1930 to 1935, he was imprisoned multiple times for his involvement in the Salt Satyagraha and other movements spearheaded by the Congress. While in Almora Jail, he completed his ‘Autobiography’ on February 14, 1935. After his release, Nehru traveled to Switzerland to visit his ailing wife and went to London in early 1936. In 1938, he also visited Spain, witnessing the country in the midst of its Civil War, and traveled to China shortly before the outbreak of World War II.


Gandhi and Nehru

Discovery Of India, Book by Nehru

On October 31, 1940, Nehru was arrested for his individual Satyagraha protest against India's coerced involvement in the war. He was released in December 1941, but in August 1942, Nehru moved the landmark ‘Quit India’ resolution at the All India Congress Committee (AICC) session in Bombay. The following day, he was arrested and detained at Ahmednagar Fort, marking his longest and final imprisonment. Over the course of his political career, he was imprisoned nine times. After his release in January 1945, Nehru provided legal defense for officers and soldiers of the Indian National Army (INA) accused of treason. In March 1946, he toured Southeast Asia and was elected President of the Congress for the fourth time on July 6, 1946, serving in that role again from 1951 to 1954. By the time of India’s independence in 1947, Nehru had become the natural choice to lead the new nation.


Delving into the Nehruvian era offers an intimate look at how one man's ideals could ripple through time and leave an indelible mark on the nation. While Nehru's leadership brought noteworthy advancements, he was not without his share of missteps, an inevitable reality for any leader navigating the complexities of a young, diverse nation. Like all political figures, Nehru too faced difficult choices and unprecedented challenges, sometimes resulting in decisions that sparked controversy or unintended consequences.


Nehru's foreign policy between 1947 and 1964 was a pivotal period in shaping India's international standing and defining its post-independence trajectory. Nehru navigated India through some of its most critical foreign policy challenges, balancing national interests, geopolitical shifts, and the imperative for global peace. His leadership, often guided by the advice of key diplomats like V.K. Krishna Menon, steered the country through tense relations with neighboring Pakistan, China, and the global powers of the Cold War. 


India's Nuclear Program, Homi Bhaba and Nehru

One of Nehru’s most remarkable achievements in the realm of foreign policy was the creation of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), a visionary attempt to carve out an independent path for India amid the polarized Cold War. The Bandung Conference of 1955, a gathering of 29 newly independent African and Asian nations, stands as a testament to Nehru’s leadership. The conference, which became the foundation for NAM, underscored the desire of post-colonial countries to reject the rigid alignments of the US and Soviet blocs. Nehru, alongside prominent leaders like Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt, Josip Broz Tito of Yugoslavia, Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, and Sukarno of Indonesia, was instrumental in advocating for an international order where nations could remain neutral and sovereign, without becoming pawns in the Cold War. 


The significance of this conference cannot be overstated.


Non-Alignment Movement

A fundamental question loomed over Nehru’s tenure: How would India navigate its relationships with the two Cold War giants, the United States and the Soviet Union? Nehru managed to walk this tightrope with a finesse that established India’s reputation for strategic autonomy. India accepted aid from both nations, benefiting from American technological assistance and Soviet industrial support without binding itself to either.


This delicate balancing act was Nehru’s way of asserting India’s independence in foreign policy, ensuring that no foreign influence would dictate India’s decisions. Nehru’s stance did not come without its critics, domestically, some viewed his approach as overly idealistic, while internationally, he was occasionally perceived as aloof or uncommitted. Nehru was acutely aware of the strategic vulnerabilities of a newly independent India, especially given the geopolitical tensions in South Asia and the Cold War climate. One of his primary goals was to reduce India’s dependency on foreign military equipment and to build a robust defense infrastructure that could support the country’s long-term security. 


Under Nehru’s leadership, HAL (Hindustan Aeronautics Limited)  was tasked with not only assembling aircraft but also conducting research and development for indigenous designs. The development of the Marut was seen as a critical milestone in this journey. In the early 1950s, Nehru encouraged the establishment of an indigenous defense manufacturing capability and sought the expertise of foreign engineers to assist with the design and technical aspects of modern aircraft. To help achieve this, he facilitated the recruitment of Dr. Kurt Tank, a renowned German aviation engineer, who had previously worked for Nazi Germany’s aircraft manufacturer Focke-Wulf. Tank was hired to lead the design of India’s first indigenous fighter jet.


Marut FighterJet

Nehru’s support for the Marut project came at a time when the Indian Air Force (IAF) was heavily reliant on foreign imports, particularly British and Soviet aircraft. Nehru saw the Marut as not just a military asset but as a symbol of India’s technological ambitions. He personally backed the project, despite the challenges of limited technical expertise, a shortage of resources, and the absence of a mature defense industry. The Marut was conceptualized as a multi-role fighter jet, designed for light strike capabilities, which would allow India to defend itself in a region marked by uncertainty and conflict. Nehru found greater success in addressing the issue of Goa, a Portuguese colony and the last vestige of foreign control in post-independence India.


 The military action in December 1961, though criticized by many Western nations at the time, is widely regarded as justifiable in hindsight. With the British and French having already departed peacefully, Portugal’s continued colonial presence had become an outdated anomaly. Nehru initially pursued diplomatic means, including an effort in August 1955, when he allowed a peaceful protest by unarmed Indian citizens who marched into Portuguese-controlled territory. Tragically, the Portuguese forces opened fire, killing nearly 30 demonstrators. Despite this provocation, Nehru refrained from immediate retaliation, instead spending six years urging Portugal’s allies to mediate a resolution. Ultimately, when military intervention became inevitable, Nehru emphasized that neither he nor his government had ever pledged absolute adherence to nonviolence, framing the action as a necessary step to end colonial rule.


Nehru

Nehru's economic policies were embodied in the Five-Year Plans, which sought to achieve balanced and rapid economic growth. The First Five-Year Plan (1951-1956) focused on boosting agriculture and improving irrigation, with significant investments in projects like the Bhakra Nangal Dam. The Second Five-Year Plan (1956-1961), influenced by the Mahalanobis model, emphasized industrialization and the development of the public sector. 


Some excerpts taken from India Today’s Archives (1984): The enduring legacy of Jawaharlal Nehru


Nehru did more than ensure his presence; he integrated Parliament in the country's decision-making processes. When the five-year plans were to be formulated, the Parliament discussed them threadbare. When he needed national backing for his foreign policy, Parliament would adopt the right resolution.


Nehru's Parliament was a serious business, a chamber for lofty debate, and he treated the Opposition to a sense of importance quite unjustified by its real strength in the House. This was always evident whether he was debating with Lohia on the earnings of the average Indian - the three anna versus ten anna debate - or facing the only no-confidence motion against his government.


Minoo Masani, who often crossed swords with Nehru, says: "He never used the police to silence his critics, he played the game according to the rules." He adds: "His biggest legacy is that in 1977 Indira Gandhi felt she needed legitimacy."


"Nehru can be remembered for many things, but the one thing above all was institution building," says political scientist Rajni Kothari who believes that his legacy is tarnished because "we've undermined our institutions". 


Parliament today is a cynical reflection of its former self. Far from conducting serious business, all too often it hosts slanging matches that are more evocative of bazaar brawls than civilized debate.


Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in an interview published last fortnight spoke of how "sometimes it is difficult to sit because the noise is so much you can't hear anybody." Day after day the speaker is obliged to admonish ministers and members for being absent when their business comes up for discussion. Nehru's last Lok Sabha, elected in 1962, spent nearly half its time on legislative business.


The Lok Sabha that succeeded it in 1967 spent around 18 per cent - and things haven't improved much since. "I don't know how long it is that there has been any meaningful discussion on education or health," Mrs Gandhi lamented in the same interview. For the last 15 years, Parliament has been singularly devoid of parliamentarians of stature who once gave substance to debate on any issue. Today, when its business isn't acrimonious, it is, at best, trite.


There was, in Nehru's time, a covenant between the civil servants and the politicians, to respect their individual roles and duties. That covenant broke down with the coming of the unstable politics of the late '60s, when the norms that obtained for the first two decades of independence gave way to political convenience.


"Politicians had their way in the past against the advice of their civil servants," says the retired bureaucrat, "but those were differences on policy and principle. Today these politicians have been replaced by men who take decisions knowing that they are doing wrong, so they need henchmen and pliable people to carry them out."


As former Reserve Bank of India Deputy Governor Ravi Hazari says: "Visionaries don't think of systems and mechanisms. 

The church was not created by Christ." Others had to give those ideas muscle and bone. Nehru, even his most enthusiastic supporters and adulators affirm, believed that once institutions were set up or laws enacted, the results would follow.


Results did follow, but two decades after his death, they have not always been as he expected. In science and technology, which were for Nehru the key to transforming India from a backward-looking feudal society into a modern nation, his efforts were pioneering. They helped give this country one of the most elaborate and comprehensive scientific and technological establishments in the Third World.


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Atal Bihari Vajpayee, during a memorable speech, recounted his experience with Nehru’s legacy and the evolving culture of political discourse. He recalled noticing that Nehru’s portrait, which once hung in South Block, had gone missing during his tenure as foreign minister. “I asked, where did it go? No one had an answer. That portrait was eventually restored,” he stated, earning applause from the audience. Vajpayee used this anecdote to question the respect for sentiments tied to national legacies, asking, “Do we value such emotions? Shouldn’t these sentiments thrive in our country?”


Atal Bihari

He candidly admitted that his relationship with Nehru was not without its disagreements, noting that their differences often surfaced during debates. Despite this, their mutual respect remained intact. Vajpayee shared an instance when he openly told Nehru that his personality seemed to embody both the resilience of Winston Churchill and the caution of Neville Chamberlain. Far from being offended, Nehru appreciated the remark. Later that evening, at a banquet, Nehru approached Vajpayee, commended his speech, and walked away with a smile.


Reflecting on this exchange, Vajpayee lamented how criticism in contemporary politics has lost the sense of grace and maturity it once held. “Today, such criticism would breed hostility. People would stop speaking to each other,” he remarked, highlighting the diminishing space for constructive dialogue in modern political culture.


Nehru's legacy on Children’s Day, celebrated annually on his birthday, November 14, underscores his vision for an egalitarian society where every child could access education and grow into an informed and capable citizen. His government made significant strides in educational reforms, including the establishment of institutions like the All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS) and the Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs), which were designed to provide quality education to the youth of India. Nehru also advocated for the betterment of children’s health and welfare, and his efforts towards child development were institutionalized through policies and programs.


Nehru holding Indian Flag

As we reflect on the multifaceted legacy of Jawaharlal Nehru on his birth anniversary, it becomes evident that his contributions to India’s political, social, and cultural fabric are both profound and enduring. 


Whether through his relentless pursuit of democracy, his emphasis on scientific progress, or his vision of a united and modern nation, Nehru’s ideals continue to spark dialogue and introspection. This article seeks to honor not just the man, but the principles he stood for, principles that remain relevant as India navigates its complex journey in the 21st century. On this special day, we remember Nehru not just as a leader, but as a symbol of hope, ambition, and the promise of a better future.


Bertrand Russell - “If we try to imagine what that means- a period of the greater part of the independent life of India-we can better understand the magnitude of his (Nehru) contribution to mankind. The nonalignment he formulated prevented war on more than one occasion. His disparate people are one nation. I hope those who damned him while he lived will not try to embrace him in the name of things he loathed.”


Earl Mountbatten - “He was one of the greatest figures in history. The world is the poorer for his passing. He was a most magnanimous man who never showed the slightest personal resentment at being kept for many years in prison by the British. He was a great fighter for Indian freedom, and when his life’s work was crowned with success, he was a big enough man to grab the hand of friendship held out to him by Britain."


Lal Bahadur Shastri - “Jawaharlal, the revolutionary, the statesman, the visionary and the incomparable writer… how many facets there are to his greatness! India may feel orphaned today. The stars grow dim in our sight and our hearts are weighed down with sorrow. But we have to take courage from the bright and dauntless spirit that was his... The torch left behind has to be kept burning and the India of his dream built up”.


Homi Bhabha - “Although not a practicing scientist, Jawaharlal Nehru’s personality revealed throughout the essential attributes of the real man of science- ‘His unquenched thirst for truth, his questing mind that admitted no man-made barriers, his essential humility, his constant willingness to learn and to teach.”


References:

3. Jawaharlal Nehru, Achievements as a Prime Minister

7. Brut - Vajpayee’s Story About A Nehru Portraithttps://www.brut.media/in/videos/vajpayees-story-about-a-nehru-portrait


14th November Speech


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